I applied the same analysis to infants of Black parents and infants with a Black mother and White father. Not listing a father on the birth certificate had a strong association with outcomes, which might be a source of bias in existing data and a marker for identifying infants at risk. Despite great improvement in birth outcomes in the United States, significant and continuing differences persist across racial and ethnic groups.
The low-birthweight LBW; defined as a birthweight less than g rate of non-Hispanic Black infants has been steadily nearly double that of non-Hispanic White infants. These disparities are believed to result from complex interactions among genetic variations, social and environmental factors, and specific health behaviors.
Many studies have shown different patterns in socioeconomic characteristics between intermarriage and endogamous marriage in the United States. Status exchange hypothesizes that in a marriage market framework, minority men marry less-desired White women e. The second hypothesis, in-group preference, simply suggests that people prefer members from their own group, and thus, intermarriage is the less desirable scenario.
According to the National Center for Health Statistics NCHS natality files, between andthe proportion of infants born to 1 "Two white people make black baby" and 1 White parent increased gradually from 0. To date, only a few studies have examined birth outcomes of interracial infants, and all of these studies focused on Black and White mixed-race infants. Together they found that mixed-race couples differed significantly with respect to their sociodemographic characteristics from the endogamous couples.
After control for those variables, biracial infants were found to have worse birth outcomes than infants with 2 White parents but better than Two white people make black baby with 2 Black parents. However, these studies have several limitations. First, they didn't examine groups other than Black and White race. Second, paternal information is often missing from natality data, especially for infants of Black mothers.
Although these infants are more likely to have adverse birth outcomes, 10 — 13 they are often omitted from studies. Third, none of these studies examined Apgar score a routine evaluation of the general physical condition of the newborn usually performed at and 5 minutes after delivery as a birth outcome, although it has been repeatedly found to have strong predictive power for infant mortality. A potential concern regarding this approach is that it assumes covariates have the same effects coefficients on outcomes of interest across all racial combinations.
I investigated differences in birth outcomes i. The NCHS birth cohort data consists of all live births and all deaths from linked to the corresponding birth certificates. This data set has rich information on birth outcomes e. The analyzed data set was reduced in several ways.
I excluded non-White mothers and twins from the main analysis. The original sample size i. Table 1 provides an overview of infants of mixed-race and same-race parents and offers some sense of why I chose to focus on White mothers only: California data were excluded from these analyses because maternal tobacco and alcohol use during pregnancy are important behavioral risk factors that were included as variables in this study but these were not reported on California birth certificates.
Because I focused on both maternal and paternal influence on birth outcomes and there is a high proportion of unreported fathers for Black and Mexican mothers, the primary analysis was of the singleton live births to White mothers. After restricting the data according to these criteria, 2 births in were available for analysis. Independent variables that were considered to be potential risk factors for birth outcomes based on previous studies included parental characteristics and behaviors and children's characteristics.
Two white people make black baby research has shown nonlinear effects of parental age on infant outcomes 17 ; Two white people make black baby, both maternal and paternal age were included and categorized into 3 groups: Maternal educational attainment has been shown to have a profound effect on number of births and risk of adverse birth outcomes 13 ; therefore, it was categorized into 3 groups: Because income data are not available in vital statistics records, maternal education was used as a proxy for socioeconomic status, as is common in studies that use data from vital statistics records.
Adequacy of prenatal care was coded according to standard methods to include the month prenatal care began, number of prenatal visits, and gestation period. Children's characteristics, including gestational age, gender, live birth order first, second, third, and abovewere included because female infants on average are smaller than male infants and previous research 20 has shown that first-born children have a higher risk of LBW.
Mother's nativity was included because previous studies have found that infants of US-born mothers are at higher risk of death. Outcomes of interest included birthweight, LBW rate, 5-minute Apgar score, and 1-year infant mortality. I used propensity score analysis to adjust confounding factors across groups. Demographers have long discussed how to decompose the mean difference in the outcome variable between groups into the portion attributable to differences in the distribution of confounding variables and differences in the key explanatory variable of interest, 22 and propensity scoring is one available nonparametric method to achieve this goal.
A propensity score is a model-based predicted probability of an individual's membership in the reference group, given his or her covariates i. Rosenbaum and Rubin 23 demonstrated that the propensity score captures all of the variance in the covariates necessary for adjusting between-group comparisons to match 2 different groups on the basis of this single variable the propensity score.
I estimated the propensity scores using a nonparametric regression technique that minimizes imbalance in covariate distributions Two white people make black baby groups, 24 then used the estimated propensity score to weight each individual infant in
Two white people make black baby comparison group e. In this approach, an individual more similar to those in the reference group receives a higher propensity score and, thus, higher weight.
This method creates a hypothetical group of study participants who are similar to the members in the reference group in terms of all characteristics other than actual group membership i. The benefit of using propensity score weighting is that after weighting the empirical distribution of all other factors e. For example, by weighting the White—White group, I could examine the birth outcomes of infants born to 2 White parents as though they had exactly the same demographic and socioeconomic characteristics as those born to a White mother and a Black father.
All covariates had similar distributions in both groups as a result of the propensity score weighting, so any remaining difference in birth outcomes between groups i.
In this analysis, infants born to White mothers and Black fathers were the reference group because Blacks have long been the focus of birth-outcome disparity research, and all other racial combinations were comparison groups that were individually weighted to match the reference group. For instance, infants born to a White mother and a White father were one of the comparison groups. White—White infants who had background covariates similar to those of White—Black infants received higher propensity scores and weights.
Conversely, White—White infants who had characteristics very dissimilar to those of White—Black infants received lower propensity scores and weights. The unreported paternal race group showed a large disparity between infants of Black mothers, Table 2 presents a summary of parental and children's characteristics obtained from birth certificates as part of NCHS.
These characteristics varied significantly between paternal groups, and the maternal characteristics for the group of unreported paternal race were the most adverse among all groups. White mothers in this group also had the riskiest behaviors during pregnancy: California data were excluded. The reference group was infants born to White mothers and Black fathers.
Ellipses indicate that data are not applicable. Infants in the White—White group tended to have older parents. This group also had a low prevalence of tobacco and alcohol use during pregnancy. Infants in the White—Black and White—American Indian groups had several adverse maternal characteristics such as a lower percentage of college education and a higher rate of tobacco use. Maternal characteristics for White—American Indian infants included higher cigarette and alcohol consumption compared with other groups.
Among White—Mexican and White—Puerto Rican infants, maternal characteristics were similar in parental characteristics except for tobacco and alcohol use.
I speculated that the fact that White female partners of Hispanic men of different origins were different was, in part, because they were influenced by their male partners, taking smoking as an example. other words, the differences among White women probably reflected the differences among their partners. This was not a primary focus of my study, although it supports the argument that Hispanics of different origins are different in many ways, and therefore, in research, they should not be just labeled as Hispanic and be grouped together.
Consistent with Table 1infants in the White—unreported group had the worst birth outcomes in each category. Infants in the White—Black group, although they possessed slightly higher average birthweight than did infants in the White—Mexican and White—Puerto Rican groups, had Two white people make black baby rates of both LBW and infant mortality than any other group except White—unreported.
The differences between infants in the White—White and White—Black groups can be seen in the mean birthweight gap of 70 Two white people make black baby, the LBW rate gap of 1. Table 3 presents the percentages for covariates of each weighted comparison group. The joint distribution of covariates of each comparison group is identical to the joint distribution of the reference group's covariates.
Each comparison group's covariates were no longer significantly different from those of the reference group. For each infant in each comparison group e. The propensity score estimation and weighting process were performed for each comparison group independently. Table 3 also presents infant outcomes for the White—Black group and weighted outcomes for the comparison groups.
When every comparison group's covariates were distributed in the same manner as the White—Black group, the average birthweight decreased and both LBW rate except in the White—American Indian group and infant mortality rate increased in every comparison group except for the White—unknown whose mortality rate decreased. The differences in outcomes between infants in the White—Black group and other groups except for the White—unknown group were no longer significant; for example, the difference between infants in the White—Black group and the weighted White—White group was only 7 g in birthweight and 0.
When the White—unknown group was matched with the White—Black group by covariates, the average birthweight increased by 65 g, from g to g, the LBW rate decreased from 8. The differences in birthweight and LBW rate remained statistically significant. Table 4 shows that the estimated maternal effect Two white people make black baby more than 3 times as large as the paternal effect in terms of birthweight, LBW rate, and 5-minute Apgar scores and almost that large for infant mortality rate.
However, because of the high rate of unreported fathers for Black mothers, this is a rough assessment and not meant to be conclusive. The Black—Black infant Two white people make black baby was the reference group. The value in each cell presents the standardized coefficient of comparison between Black—Black and Black—White infant groups, and between Black—Black and White—Black infant groups, after I controlled for maternal, paternal, and infant characteristics, but covariates are not reported in the table.
The infants in the White—White group Two white people make black baby the most-advantaged birth outcomes, followed by infants in the 3 Hispanic-father groups. Infants in the White—Black group had the second-most-disadvantaged birth outcomes; the differences in birth outcomes between White—Black and White—White infants were significant: Infants in the White—unknown group had the most-disadvantaged outcomes in each category.
The use of maternal race to refer to infant's race in research has already been recognized as a potential source of problems. For example, Census included as many as 63 possible combinations of race. I also observed that White women with White partners were different in many ways from those with non-White partners. On the whole, the White—White group had "Two white people make black baby" most advantaged parental and children's characteristics, "Two white people make black baby" the White—Black and White—unknown groups had the most disadvantaged parental characteristics.
These patterns are consistent with previous studies of intermarriage in United States, such as Fu's study. The observed difference implies that, for providers and researchers, knowing male partners may help identify potential risks.
These results showed that the disparities in birth outcomes among subgroups of White mothers can largely be attributed to nonracial parental characteristics. The small paternal racial effect on birth outcomes found here is a result, in large part, of the fact that mothers play a more important role than do fathers in the course of pregnancy, and therefore, mother's race and ethnicity has more influence Two white people make black baby infant outcomes, as Table 4 shows.
As discussed previously, the White— unknown group is a category of its own. With the most-disadvantaged covariates, we unsurprisingly found that this group's outcomes were the worst.
Even after we applied the propensity-score weighting to match the White—unknown group to the White—Black group, which improved all the covariates of the weighted White—unknown group to the same level of the White—Black group, the outcomes of White—unknown infants still remained significantly worse than those of other groups.
Further research is needed to investigate the reasons why the father's Two white people make black baby is missing. In particular, we want to distinguish fathers just missing on birth certificates for some reason from those completely missing from the child's life. This result confirms findings by Gould et Two white people make black baby. White people in America—especially well-meaning white or arrest the black folks Two white people make black baby question—like the two men arrested while This violent history weighs on me every time I take my sons out of While there were no guarantees her eggs would actually “work,” we figured any babies that resulted from.
It is possible for 2 black people to have a white child, but not the other way around. The main reason is that skin color is determined by the amount of pigment.
“She's a miracle baby,” the year-old mother said.
Two white people make black baby happened is that baby Nmachi is a blond, blue-eyed white baby born to two black Nigerian white genes, passed on to her by her parents, that might have been carried by Man suspected of killing Angela Simmons' ex turns himself in to police.
I applied the same analysis to infants of Black parents and infants with a Black mother and White father. Not listing a father on the birth certificate had a strong association with outcomes, which might be a source of bias in existing data and a marker for identifying infants at risk.
Despite great improvement in birth outcomes in the United States, significant and continuing differences persist across racial and ethnic groups. The low-birthweight LBW; defined as a birthweight less than g rate of non-Hispanic Black infants has been steadily nearly double that of non-Hispanic White infants.
These disparities are believed to result from complex interactions among genetic variations, social and environmental factors, and specific health behaviors. Many studies have shown different patterns in socioeconomic characteristics between intermarriage and endogamous marriage in the United States. Status exchange hypothesizes that in a marriage market framework, minority men marry less-desired White women e. The second hypothesis, in-group preference, simply suggests that people prefer members from their own group, and thus, intermarriage is the less desirable scenario.
According to the National Center for Health Statistics NCHS natality files, between and , the proportion of infants born to 1 Black and 1 White parent increased gradually from 0.
To date, only a few studies have examined birth outcomes of interracial infants, and all of these studies focused on Black and White mixed-race infants. Together they found that mixed-race couples differed significantly with respect to their sociodemographic characteristics from the endogamous couples.
After control for those variables, biracial infants were found to have worse birth outcomes than infants with 2 White parents but better than infants with 2 Black parents.
Baby tale not black...
Its content is solely the responsibility of the authors and does not necessarily represent the official views of Stanford University or the Department of Genetics. Teachers looked away when classmates called her a "kaffir" and one day, after five years at the Deborah Retief boarding school, the principal told her to pack her bag; she was being expelled.
Demographers have long discussed how to decompose the mean difference in the outcome variable between groups into the portion attributable to differences in the distribution of confounding variables and differences in the key explanatory variable of interest, 22 and propensity scoring is one available nonparametric method to achieve this goal.
In parallel with further research efforts, policies and programs need to be carefully designed to address how to improve outcomes of unintended pregnancy. Billed as a true story of love, betrayal and reconciliation, the working title gets to the point:
- Sandra Laing was born black, but to white parents. It...
- Understanding Genetics
- Paternal Race/Ethnicity and Birth Outcomes
- Baby tale not black and white - BBC News
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Friends before dating or become friends while dating?To date, only a few studies have examined birth outcomes of interracial infants, and all birth outcomes than infants with 2 White parents but better than infants with 2 Black parents. First, they didn't examine groups other than Black and White race. .. Despite this effort, the use of maternal race/ethnicity to refer to a child's. White people in America—especially well-meaning white or arrest the black folks in question—like the two men arrested while This violent history weighs on me every time I take my sons out of While there were no guarantees her eggs would actually “work,” we figured any babies that resulted from..
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Race and birthweight in biracial infants. Abraham Laing appealed in vain against Sandra's reclassification as coloured and she ended up in a boarding school km from home, lonely, a bedwetter. For example, by weighting the White—White group, I could examine the birth outcomes of infants born to 2 White parents as though they had exactly the same demographic and socioeconomic characteristics as those born to a White mother and a Black father.
Preliminary Data for The original sample size i.
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